Two quick housekeeping notes. First, Rosie is still doing great after last Monday’s chemo treatment. So far it seems that she is not having the really negative systemic reactions that she had during the first round. Thank you all for the good thoughts, well wishes, prayers, and donations.
Second, it’s been a long couple of days and the last few posts have been heavy on the reading/info, so I’m going to try to keep tonight’s post on the shorter side.
Unfortunately, all of Ukraine is currently under air raid alert!
Presidents Zelenskyy and Biden signed a Ukraine-US bilateral security agreement today.
🇺🇦🇺🇸 Today is a truly historic day. We signed the strongest agreement between Ukraine and the United States since our independence. pic.twitter.com/z0JM9qEzrh
— Volodymyr Zelenskyy / Володимир Зеленський (@ZelenskyyUa) June 13, 2024
While this is a good thing in general, it is important to remember that because of our quirky Constitution, this is only binding if a US president wants it to be binding on the US. This is not a treaty, it will not be submitted for or ratified by the Senate, and, as a result, it is only enforceable if the president wants it to be.
Here is President Zelenskky’s address from earlier today, which provides his take on the agreement. Video below, English transcript after the jump.
The G7 Summit’s Key Result for Us Is More Air Defense Systems for Our Cities – Address by the President
13 June 2024 – 23:55
Dear Ukrainians!
I have just had a meeting with President Biden, a good meeting, a useful one. Throughout these days, I have been in touch with our military, with a daily report from the Commander-in-Chief, and constant reports from the Minister of Defense, other government officials, and intelligence about the situation at the front, in the main directions in our Donetsk and Kharkiv regions, the needs of our warriors, and the details of supplies.
Today, almost all our meetings here – at the G7 Summit, and on the sidelines of the Summit – are focused on what our military is saying, on our needs and our capabilities right now, if the supply is sufficient and timely. With all the leaders, we are talking about speeding up the delivery of the announced packages to Ukraine. In particular, we have just talked about this with President Biden. Today, I also spoke with Justin Trudeau, the Prime Minister of Canada, about the new support – thank you, Justin! I also had a meeting with Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, and it will also contribute to the supplies. And a meeting with Fumio Kishida, the Prime Minister of Japan. I also had a good meeting with Giorgia Meloni, the President of the Council of Ministers of Italy. Thank you, Giorgia, for this meaningful summit and for all your support for Ukraine – for Ukrainians, for the protection of our children and families in Ukraine, all those whose lives are under attack from Russian terror.
The key result for us is that there will be more air defense systems for our cities. “Patriots” is practically a Ukrainian word now. There will also be more equipment and other necessary supplies for the front. Decisions have been made regarding the use of Russian assets for the benefit of Ukraine, with the G7 taking a significant first step regarding $50 billion. Thank you!
There are also two security agreements. The historic result with the United States is a bilateral security agreement that brings our relations to the level of a true alliance. This is the strongest agreement with America in all 33 years of our independence. There is a legally binding component of the agreement, and there are highly useful details on air defense and aircraft. We have secured America’s assistance in the supply of fighter squadrons – as many fighters as Ukraine needs. We will work on this. I also spoke with the leaders about accelerating pilot training. Importantly, the agreement with the United States now stipulates support for Ukraine both during wartime and in peacetime. It is truly long-term. We have the same vision of peace – peace that is just for our people. Thank you, President Biden, thank you to both parties and chambers of Congress, thank you, America!
Today, we also signed a very promising security accord with Japan, the first such agreement with a non-NATO country, a country from the Asia Pacific region. In fact, we have brought our relations with Japan to a level that not many European countries have. Ukraine really appreciates this. We work together in the security, political, and economic spheres. Four and a half billion dollars of support from Japan have been secured for this year. We are also interested in Ukraine and Japan being close partners in reconstruction – in restoring normal life for our people. And it will be so. We have also agreed on this. Dear Mr. Prime Minister, Fumio, the entire Japanese people, thank you!
We have already signed seven security agreements with all G7 countries. In total, seventeen agreements have already been signed, and we are preparing to sign another ten.
Today, I had a meeting with the IMF Managing Director to discuss support for our state, our institutions, and our society, of course. I am grateful for the understanding. I also had a very inspiring meeting with the President of the World Bank. We discussed, among other things, support for our energy sector, access to the necessary funds for people, companies, and government institutions to restore destroyed energy capabilities and build new ones. I am grateful to the World Bank and personally to its President for the willingness to work on this.
And I would like to thank all our partners today for supporting the Peace Summit and helping to engage leaders and states. Together, the world can definitely restore justice and a just peace. We are doing everything for this. The day after tomorrow the inaugural Peace Summit will take place where we will take the first real step towards a just peace.
Glory to Ukraine!
Here is the video of President Zelenskyy’s statement after his meeting with President Biden:
And here’s the full text of the bilateral security agreement:
Bilateral security agreement between Ukraine and the United States of America
13 June 2024 – 22:22
Preamble
Ukraine and the United States of America (hereinafter, the “Parties”):
Underscoring their shared commitment to a Europe that is whole, free, and at peace;
Affirming that the security of Ukraine is integral to the security of the Euro-Atlantic region;
Recognizing the need to preserve and promote Ukraine’s sovereignty, democracy, and capacity to deter and respond to current and future external threats;
Affirming their desire to expand their defense and security cooperation and their trade and investment ties, and to deepen the overall friendly relations between them;
Building on the existing security partnership with Ukraine facilitated under the Strategic Defense Framework between the United States Department of Defense and the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine, signed August 31, 2021, and the U.S.-Ukraine Charter on Strategic Partnership, signed November 10, 2021;
Recalling longstanding security cooperation between the Parties and the United States’ provision of military and security assistance, supporting Ukraine with the arms, equipment, and training necessary to defend itself against Russia’s aggression;
Welcoming Ukraine’s efforts to attain a just and sustainable peace and emphasizing the Parties’ commitment to seeking a just end to the war, founded on the principles of the United Nations (UN) Charter and a respect for the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders, extending to its territorial waters, and recognizing Ukraine’s inherent right of self-defense as enshrined in Article 51 of the UN Charter;
Reaffirming that Ukraine’s future is in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO); reiterating their support for the declaration of Allies at the 2023 Vilnius Summit that Allies will be in a position to extend an invitation to Ukraine to join the Alliance when Allies agree and conditions are met emphasizing the importance of its deepening integration into the Euro-Atlantic community; and underlining the centrality of reform to support and strengthen Ukraine’s defense, prosperity, recovery, rule of law, and democracy;
Emphasizing the importance of holding Russia to account for its aggression against Ukraine, including by supporting Ukraine in seeking compensation for the damage, loss, and injury resulting from Russia’s aggression, such as support envisaged by the Statute of the Register of Damage Caused by the Aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine and holding accountable those responsible for war crimes and other international crimes committed in or against Ukraine, consistent with international law;
Highlighting the United States’ ongoing efforts to use sanctions and export controls to increase the costs to Russia for its aggression against Ukraine and to work with its partners to explore all possible avenues by which immobilized Russian sovereign assets could be made use of to support Ukraine, consistent with domestic and international law; and
Upholding the shared commitments made under the Joint Declaration of Support for Ukraine on July 12, 2023 (hereinafter “Joint Declaration of 2023”);
Have agreed to the following:
Article I: Principles of Cooperation
This Agreement is based on the following principles and beliefs shared by the Parties:
1. Cooperation between the Parties is based on the principle of full respect for the independence and sovereignty of each of the Parties, and full respect for obligations of the Parties under international law and for the purposes and principles of the UN Charter.
2. Cooperation between the Parties is enhanced by their shared commitment to democracy, the rule of law, human rights, transparency, and accountability.
3. Cooperation between the Parties is intended to bolster Euro-Atlantic security, stability, and prosperity by enhancing deterrence and defense integration and interoperability.
Article II: Defense and Security Cooperation
The Parties’ cooperation in the areas of defense and security is based on their shared commitment to stability and peace in Europe.
It is the policy of the Parties to work together to help deter and confront any future aggression against the territorial integrity of either Party. The security-related commitments in this Agreement are intended to support Ukraine’s efforts to win today’s war and deter future Russian military aggression. It is the policy of the United States to assist Ukraine in maintaining a credible defense and deterrence capability.
Any future aggression or threat of aggression against the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of either Party would be a matter of grave concern to the other Party.
In the event of future armed attack or threat of armed attack against Ukraine, the Parties shall, at the request of either Party and in accordance with their respective laws, immediately meet, where possible within 24 hours, at the most senior levels to determine appropriate next steps and additional defense needs. The Parties may mutually decide to develop and implement additional appropriate defense and deterrent responses, including in the economic, military, and/or political realms. Such responses may include the imposition of economic and other costs on the aggressor state through steps that may include, among other things, potential sanctions or export controls. The Parties stand ready to share available and appropriate information and intelligence immediately in response to such an event, and to consult with signatory countries of the Joint Declaration of 2023 on additional, joint responses.
In order to further strengthen the security of the Parties and stability in Europe, and to deter threats against them, the Parties agree:
1. To further implementation of existing security agreements and arrangements, including those concerning research and development, science and technology cooperation, manufacturing of defense products, the protection of classified defense information, and end-use monitoring.
2. To meet on a regular basis to further mutual awareness of emerging threats, with a view to working towards enhancing the integration of defensive systems and deterrent capacities of the Parties across all domains, and furthering Ukraine’s interoperability with NATO.
3. To further bolster their defense and security cooperation as a means of building a Ukrainian future force that maintains a credible defense and deterrence capability, which may include:
- Training and military education programs;
- Provision of defense articles and services;
- Combined military maneuvers and exercises;
- Increased defense industrial cooperation consistent with applicable agreements and arrangements between the Parties;
- Continued joint planning to confront threats to the Parties, including guiding principles, respective rules of engagement, and command and control, as appropriate;
- Cooperation to promote cybersecurity and protection of critical infrastructure;
- Cooperation to develop Ukraine’s capabilities to counter Russian and any other propaganda and disinformation;
- Cooperation to promote regional peace and security in the Black Sea;
- Cooperation to support unexploded ordnance removal and demining; and
- Other cooperation as may be mutually decided upon by the Parties.
4. To coordinate on a regular basis – and no less than annually – on military and defense matters, including defense industrial base development. This coordination shall include a particular focus on combined efforts to deter and confront threats of aggression against Ukraine.
The Parties agree to advance the appropriate sharing of intelligence and to promote enhanced cooperation between their intelligence services, with the scope and procedure of cooperation determined by their respective entities responsible for intelligence and security. The United States intends to assist with capacity building for Ukraine’s intelligence institutions, including with respect to counterintelligence capabilities.
Each Party reaffirms its commitments to comply with its obligations under international law, including the law of armed conflict.
It is the policy of the United States to support providing sustainable levels of security assistance for Ukraine in support of the objectives outlined in the Bilateral Security Agreement and associated implementation arrangements. To this end, the United States intends to seek from the United States Congress appropriation of funds to help sustain a Ukrainian credible defense and deterrent capability, in war and peace.
Article III: Cooperation on Economic Recovery and Reform
Recalling the trade and investment agreements and arrangements in place between the Parties, the Parties intend to cooperate to:
- Seek opportunities to provide technical assistance and build capacity to support Ukraine’s economic needs stemming from Russia’s war of aggression.
- Support recovery efforts to strengthen Ukraine’s economic stability and resilience, including by supporting Ukraine’s energy security and its vision of a modern, cleaner, more decentralized energy system that is integrated with Europe.
- Strengthen the resilience and security of Ukraine’s civilian nuclear energy sector, cognizant of their collaboration under the September 21, 2023, Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Ukraine and the Government of the United States regarding Collaboration on Ukrainian Energy System Resilience.
- Identify strategic investment opportunities that mutually benefit the Parties, and encourage the development of projects, including those that can attract private and public investment in Ukraine, that support Ukrainian and American economic development and partnership, such as in the areas of defense production and infrastructure.
- Continue support for implementation of Ukraine’s effective reform agenda, including strengthened good governance, anti-corruption, respect for human rights, and rule of law necessary to advance towards its Euro-Atlantic aspirations.
Article IV: Institutional Reforms to Advance Euro–Atlantic Integration
The Parties shall cooperate to advance Ukraine’s democratic, economic, defense, and security institutions in order to advance Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration and modernization according to European Union (EU) and NATO democratic principles and standards, and to prioritize NATO’s shared values and the interoperability of Ukraine’s security and defense forces.
The Parties shall cooperate to advance Ukraine’s implementation of reforms to its democratic, economic, defense, and security institutions in line with its EU accession goals, NATO adapted Annual National Program priorities, and obligations and commitments under agreements and arrangements with the International Monetary Fund.
Accordingly, among other reforms, Ukraine shall undertake efforts towards:
- Strengthening Ukrainian justice sector reform to promote the independence and integrity of the judiciary;
- Implementing robust anti-corruption measures, including strengthening all independent state anti-corruption institutions such as the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor and the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine;
- Implementing reforms in law enforcement, security, tax, and customs institutions to resolve jurisdictional issues, and to improve transparency and accountability and strengthen the rule of law;
- Bolstering corporate governance to meet Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development principles in state-owned and defense enterprises to encourage foreign investor confidence and investment;
- Adopting NATO standards of transparency, accountability, and competition in the management and oversight of security and procurement policy and practice;
- Transforming defense planning and resource management systems to increase transparency, improve efficiency, and increase interoperability with NATO;
- Reorganizing command and control structures in accordance with NATO principles to increase interoperability and ensure effective civilian oversight; and
- Modernizing defense human resource management and military education systems to align with NATO principles and standards.
The Parties reaffirm their support for Ukraine’s right to choose its own security arrangements. The United States reaffirms that Ukraine’s future is in NATO.
Article V: Just Peace
The Parties recognize that Ukraine will not be secure until its sovereignty and territorial integrity are fully restored through a just peace that respects Ukraine’s rights under international law, including the UN Charter. The Parties therefore shall cooperate to advance a just and lasting peace that has broad global support. The United States welcomes Ukraine’s ongoing efforts, including through Ukraine’s Peace Formula, to engage the international community in establishing the principles of a just and sustainable peace.
Article VI: Annexes and Implementing Arrangements
The Parties may enter into further agreements or arrangements as necessary and appropriate to implement this Agreement.
The Parties intend that cooperation in the specific areas described in Articles II and III, including support for Ukraine’s Armed Forces and other security and defense forces, be implemented in accordance with the provisions of the attached annex and with any separate implementing arrangements entered into by the Parties.
Article VII: Disputes and Implementation
- Any divergence in views or disputes regarding the interpretation or application of this Agreement shall be resolved only through consultation between the Parties and shall not be referred to any national or international court, tribunal, or other similar body, or any third party for settlement.
- All cooperation and activities under this Agreement shall be carried out in accordance with the respective domestic laws of the Parties and shall be subject to the availability of funds.
- The Parties intend for this Agreement to reinforce other agreements and arrangements that exist between the Parties. The Parties shall implement this Agreement in a manner consistent with those other agreements, and taking into account those other arrangements.
Article VIII: Amendment
This Agreement may be amended and supplemented through mutual written agreement of the Parties.
Article IX: Entry Into Force
This Agreement shall enter into force upon signature by both Parties. This Agreement shall remain in force 10 years from entry into force and may be extended by mutual written agreement of the Parties.
Article X: Registration With the United Nations
The Parties intend to register this Agreement with the United Nations in accordance with Article 102 of the UN Charter within 60 days of its entry into force.
Article XI: Termination
Either Party may terminate this Agreement by providing a written notification through diplomatic channels to the other Party of its intent to terminate this Agreement. The termination shall take effect 6 months after the date of such notification.
In this regard, although a Party may terminate this Agreement, any implementing agreement or arrangement entered into between the Parties consistent with the terms of this Agreement shall continue to remain in effect under its own terms, unless otherwise specified in the terms of the specific implementing agreement or arrangement.
The Parties recognize this Agreement as supporting a bridge to Ukraine’s eventual membership in the NATO Alliance.
In the event that Ukraine becomes a member of NATO, the Parties shall meet and confer on the future status of this Agreement.
Done at Puglia, Italy, this 13th day of June, 2024, in two originals in the English language, being an authentic version of the Agreement. A Ukrainian language version of the Agreement shall be prepared, which shall be considered equally authentic upon an exchange of diplomatic notes between the Parties confirming that the Ukrainian version of the Agreement attached to the notes conforms with the signed English version of the Agreement. Thereafter, in the event of divergence or ambiguity between the two language texts, the English version shall prevail.
FOR UKRAINE: FOR THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
VOLODYMYR ZELENSKYY JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR.
President of Ukraine President of the United States of America
Annex
to the Bilateral Security Agreement
Between Ukraine and the United States of America
Pursuant to Article VI of the Bilateral Security Agreement Between Ukraine and the United States of America (Agreement) and in implementation of the provisions of Articles II and III of the Agreement,
Ukraine and the United States of America (United States) (together, Participants or both sides) have reached the following understandings:
Implementation of Article II: Defense and Security Cooperation
The United States reaffirms its unwavering support for Ukraine’s defense of its sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. To ensure Ukraine’s security, both sides recognize Ukraine needs a significant military force, robust capabilities, and sustained investments in its defense industrial base that are consistent with North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) standards. The United States intends to provide long-term materiel, training and advising, sustainment, intelligence, security, defense industrial, institutional, and other support to develop Ukrainian security and defense forces that are capable of defending a sovereign, independent, democratic Ukraine and deterring future aggression.
Ukraine deeply appreciates the significant assistance the United States has provided since the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion. In addition to United States bilateral support, both sides acknowledge the critical and substantial contributions of the security assistance that other partner nations intend to provide Ukraine and the need for coordination among Ukraine’s partners to synchronize support and appropriately share the responsibility for meeting shared goals. Both sides also recognize the need for Ukraine’s security and defense forces to be sustainable over time, and expect Ukraine to gradually assume responsibility for an increasing share of its defense needs.
To implement this annex, the Participants intend to consult on security and defense forces requirements through channels such as the U.S.-Ukraine Bilateral Defense Consultations process to ensure Ukraine adopts a Western-based military standard, interoperable with NATO. Security assistance requests are expected to be evaluated for sustainability, alignment with a jointly understood future force structure, effectiveness in meeting defense objectives, and complementarity with assistance from other allies and partners.
A. Ukraine’s Future Force Capabilities
The United States commits to support Ukraine in developing a modern, NATO-interoperable force that can credibly deter and, if necessary, defend against future aggression. Ukraine’s future force is expected to rely on both modern and legacy equipment. To support the sustainability of Ukraine’s security and defense forces, both sides intend to standardize equipment across its formations.
The United States intends to support Ukraine’s military strength and the development and transformation of its military capabilities across the full spectrum of combat functions through the supply of weapons, equipment, training, and other assistance, in coordination with partners, including in the following domains:
- Air and Missile Defense: Building upon the range of air defense capabilities that the United States has provided to date, including the Patriot system, the United States commits to support Ukraine’s development of a layered, integrated air and missile defense system. Both sides intend to pursue further steps to transition to a modern air defense architecture for Ukraine over time, with associated radars, interceptors, and support equipment across the spectrum of tactical- to strategic-level capabilities.
- Fires: The United States commits to support Ukraine’s development of a joint fires capability, to include the acquisition of ground-based systems, munitions, and targeting capabilities to employ indirect and long-range fires, as well as unmanned aerial systems. Both sides intend to pursue the procurement of stockpiles of ammunition for Ukraine’s use, in coordination with allies and partners, while developing Ukraine’s domestic ammunition production capacity.
- Ground Maneuver: The United States commits to support Ukraine’s development of movement and maneuver doctrine and capabilities, to include sustainment of legacy armored, mechanized, and motorized capabilities, and to work with allies and partners to support the acquisition of modern platforms to support Ukraine’s maneuver force requirements.
- Air: The United States commits to coordinate with Ukraine, and work principally through an allied consortium, on the modernization of Ukraine’s Air Force, including working toward procurement of squadrons of modern fighter aircraft, sustainment, armament, and associated training to support fourth generation fighter capability (including, but not limited to, F-16 multi-role aircraft), as well as other air domain capabilities such as transport and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance platforms (including unmanned).
- Maritime: The United States, in coordination with allies and partners, commits to support the improvement of Ukraine’s capacity to defend its territorial waters and promote Black Sea regional security through capabilities that could include coastal defense systems; maritime domain awareness; unmanned systems; and surface vessels, including patrol and riverine craft, naval firepower, maritime mine countermeasures, and other weapons that will help strengthen maritime security in the Black and Azov Seas and help Ukraine exercise sovereignty over its territorial seas and sovereign rights and jurisdiction in its exclusive economic zone.
- Cybersecurity and Critical Infrastructure Protection: The United States commits to support Ukraine’s capacity to increase the cybersecurity and protection of its critical infrastructure and government information resources, including by strengthening its cyber defenses against malicious cyber activities by Russia and other hostile state and non-state actors. Both sides commit to work together to improve Ukraine’s ability to detect and remediate intrusions by malicious actors, including through technical assistance from the United States. The United States intends to assist Ukraine to improve the cyber resilience of its critical infrastructure, especially energy facilities, against aerial strikes, and to support the quick restoration of destroyed infrastructure, including by providing material and technical assistance.
- Command and Control: The United States commits to support Ukraine’s development of command and control capability through both materiel and non-materiel support. Both sides recognize that incorporating NATO-interoperable communications systems, doctrine, and organization are needed to improve sensing, early warning, and timely resource allocation for Ukraine’s combat operations.
- Sustainment: The United States, in coordination with allies and partners, commits to support Ukraine’s capacity to sustain and independently support its forces over the long term, maximizing its operational freedom of action. Such efforts could include support to logistics, personnel services, and health service support, in line with Western force generation models.
The United States and Ukraine intend to collaborate on force development through a range of multi-national capability coalitions, including through air force and artillery coalitions co-led by the United States.
The United States additionally commits to consideration of support for Ukraine’s civilian defense forces, which are critical components of Ukraine’s overall defense. The United States and Ukraine commit to deepening partnerships between national guard and border security services.
In furtherance of Article II of the Agreement, in the event of future armed attack or the threat of armed attack against Ukraine, the United States, at the request of the Government of Ukraine and in consultation with allies and partners, intends to coordinate on the potential need to rapidly increase the scope or scale of United States security assistance to Ukraine, including potentially the provision of additional weapon systems and equipment, and other materiel, as well as the exchange of information with Ukraine.
B. Training and Exercises
The United States intends to pursue a long-term training program for the Ukrainian Armed Forces and other security and defense forces throughout the term of this annex. The United States plans to expand its capacity to provide both individual and collective training, and to coordinate with allies and partners to ensure complementarity of training programs. The United States intends to incorporate Ukrainian trainers and subject matter experts into the program, promote institutionalization of Western training practices and doctrine, and create the conditions for the transition of training efforts to Ukrainian territory and Ukrainian service members.
Training is intended to be supported by an extensive exercise program to build interoperability. The United States plans to invite Ukrainian security and defense forces to join United States exercises and to support Ukrainian participation in multilateral exercises when appropriate.
The United States intends to consider opportunities for training Ukrainian service members in the United States as appropriate.
If and when security conditions allow, both sides plan to consult on possible training and exercise programs in Ukraine.
In line with this training, Ukraine commits to incorporating standard NATO doctrine and combined arms concepts at all echelons of its security and defense forces, and to ensuring the proper employment and sustainment of new capabilities.
The United States supports enabling increased Ukrainian attendance at Department of Defense (DOD) institutions of professional military education, including through the International Military Education and Training program.
C. Defense Industrial Base Development Cooperation
Both sides recognize that the recovery of Ukraine’s economy and industry would support Ukraine’s ability to shoulder more of the material and financial burdens of its defense over time. The United States commits to work with allies and partners to support Ukraine’s economic recovery and bolster Ukraine’s defense industrial base, including through cooperative defense research and development. Ukraine commits to developing and reforming its defense industry to support and sustain the needs of its security and defense forces.
Both sides intend to engage with international partners and their respective defense industries to support increased Ukrainian production over the long term of necessary armaments, ammunition, and equipment, supporting Ukraine’s development of a level of readiness for and deterrence against future aggression. The United States intends to work with Ukraine to enable Ukrainian entities to repair key systems and produce parts to facilitate efficient repair through the provision of raw materials and technical expertise, financing, and licensing for technology transfer. The United States intends to support Ukraine in solving challenges, including in the supply of critical materials and components needed for weapons, military equipment, and munitions manufacturing.
Both sides commit to implementing the Statement of Intent on Co-production and Technical Data Exchange, signed December 6, 2023, at the United States-Ukraine Defense Industrial Base Conference in Washington, D.C., working to increase cooperation between the United States and Ukraine and facilitating the movement of investment deals more quickly through systems.
Ukraine commits to strengthen foreign direct investment controls based on national security considerations.
The Participants intend to seek private industry partnerships in key priority areas of defense production, including but not limited to the manufacturing of air defense systems and supporting munitions, artillery ammunition of multiple calibers, supporting barrels and other components, and manufacturing of unmanned aerial vehicles.
The United States intends to facilitate United States-Ukraine defense industrial cooperation, including codevelopment, coproduction, and supply of Ukraine’s defense industrial base requirements.
Ukraine commits to continuing its reform of state defense conglomerate JSC Ukrainian Defense Industry to align with international business best practices and Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development standards.
Both sides commit to implement their Research, Development, Testing, and Evaluation Agreement.
D. End Use Monitoring/Accountability
The United States reaffirms its commitment to work with allies and partners to facilitate international coordination to mitigate the risk of diversion of advanced conventional weapons through the U.S. Plan to Counter Illicit Diversion of Certain Advanced Conventional Weapons in Eastern Europe. This includes supporting Ukrainian, allied, and partner efforts to conduct end-use monitoring. To implement Article II of the Agreement, Ukraine further reaffirms its commitment to ensuring the security of United States-provided defense articles and technology in accordance with DOD’s Golden Sentry enhanced end-use monitoring (EEUM) requirements.
This includes:
- Providing timely and comprehensive expenditure and loss reports for all EEUM items on at least a quarterly basis;
- Continuing to afford United States DOD personnel maximum access and transparency in support of EEUM verification activities, including site visits to Ukrainian weapons depots, as appropriate, and full visibility into Ukrainian logistics management platforms; and
- Fully implementing the concept of operations for the use of handheld scanning devices to self-report EEUM inventories at locations where United States personnel are unable to travel.
As security conditions allow, Ukraine further commits to:
- Conducting a comprehensive inventory of all remaining EEUM items in Ukraine’s possession;
- Providing DOD with access to military installations across Ukraine at which EEUM items are stored, to allow for the resumption of all in-person verification activities; and
- Supporting future EEUM requirements the United States may identify to maintain reasonable assurances of the security of advanced conventional weapons in a postwar environment.
The Participants intend to continue the exchange of information on threats related to illicit arms proliferation.
E. Unexploded Ordnance Removal and Demining
The United States intends to coordinate with international partners to support unexploded ordnance removal and demining assistance in affected regions in Ukraine, encompassing both humanitarian and combat demining efforts. This support may include assisting civilian populations affected by landmines, explosive remnants of war, and the hazardous effects of unexploded ordnance, through developing Ukraine’s domestic capacity for humanitarian demining, land-based and underwater explosive ordnance disposal, and physical security and stockpile management of conventional munitions.
Both sides recognize the importance of a coordinated and robust demining program to Ukraine’s long-term recovery potential, due to the contamination of Ukraine’s territory with explosive ordnance as a result of Russia’s war.
F. Other Areas of Security and Defense Cooperation
The Participants intend to deepen their close cooperation on additional areas of mutual concern, in support of their national security and to enhance Ukraine’s overall interoperability with NATO and other relevant international security bodies. These additional areas include but are not limited to countering disinformation and malign influence campaigns; counterterrorism efforts against international terrorist organizations; arms control; the nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction; and cooperation to strengthen resilience against chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear risks.
The Participants intend to further develop their intelligence cooperation through information sharing, education, training, experience exchanges, and other forms of cooperation as appropriate.
Implementation of Article III: Cooperation on Economic Recovery and Reform
A. Accountability
The Participants reaffirm their commitment to holding the Russian Federation to account for its actions in Ukraine, including damage, loss, and injury caused to individuals and entities, as well as to the state of Ukraine, as a result of Russia’s internationally wrongful acts in or against Ukraine, including its aggression in violation of the UN Charter.
The Participants intend to seek to hold accountable those responsible for war crimes and other international crimes committed in or against Ukraine, consistent with international law, and to support the full and fair investigation of alleged international crimes through independent, effective, and robust legal mechanisms.
The United States intends to support Ukraine in seeking the immediate release and return of all unlawfully detained and forcibly transferred civilians, primarily Ukrainian children, and to contribute to international efforts to hold accountable, consistent with international law, those responsible for the illegal deportation and displacement of Ukrainian civilians.
B. Immobilization of Russian Sovereign Assets
The United States intends to hold Russian sovereign assets in United States jurisdiction immobilized until Russia pays for the damage it has caused to Ukraine. The United States, working with its partners, intends to explore all possible avenues by which immobilized Russian sovereign assets could be made use of to support Ukraine, consistent with domestic and international law.
C. Sanctions Actions
The Participants recognize the value of sanctions in raising the cost of Russia’s war of aggression, degrading Russia’s sources of revenue, and impeding Russia’s effort to build its capability for aggression, including by restricting the Russian Federation’s access to the finance, goods, technology, and services it is utilizing in its aggression.
The Participants intend to continue to work to ensure that the costs to Russia for its aggression continue to rise, including through sanctions and export controls.
Final Provisions
A. Periodic Review
Ukraine and the United States commit to periodic, high-level review of the cooperation described in this annex. The United States supports the use of existing mechanisms, such as the Strategic Partnership Dialogue, Bilateral Defense Consultations, and other bilateral engagements, to track regular progress. Both sides support engagements at higher levels once every 12-18 months dedicated to reviewing joint progress of this annex as a whole, and to charting specific objectives for future cooperation under this annex.
This periodic review process should be used to evaluate progress on mutually decided elements of cooperation and to establish new objectives once each side has successfully achieved their mutually decided goals. Specific objectives should be established on at least an annual basis through civilian or military channels as appropriate.
B. Legal Status and Funding of Annex
Nothing in this annex is intended to give rise to rights or obligations under domestic or international law.
Ukraine and the United States intend to implement the commitments under this annex consistent with applicable law and subject to the availability of appropriated funds.
It’s that last section – dealing with legal status and funding – that Ukraine has to watch out for. President Zelenskyy can tweet about squadrons of fighter jets all he wants. If Congress doesn’t appropriate the funds to supply them, Ukraine isn’t getting them.
“The agreement includes provisions for advanced defense systems like Patriot and fighter jet squadrons—that’s right, plural, squadrons—including, but not limited to, F-16s.” – Zelenskyy https://t.co/GKHN1aht8R
— Special Kherson Cat 🐈🇺🇦 (@bayraktar_1love) June 13, 2024
I don’t know if President Zelenskyy doesn’t know this, his staff hasn’t prepped him properly, or he knows, but is spinning this for maximum positivity to keep morale up at home, but because this isn’t a treaty and it cannot force Congress to do anything, let alone a future administration, it’s as much aspirational as it is factual.
President Zelenskyy and Japanese Prime Minister Kishida also signed a bilateral security agreement.
Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida @kishida230 and I have just signed a security agreement between Ukraine and Japan. A unique document with one of the world’s most economically and technologically advanced countries. 🇺🇦🇯🇵
In 2024, Japan will provide Ukraine with $4.5 billion…
— Volodymyr Zelenskyy / Володимир Зеленський (@ZelenskyyUa) June 13, 2024
Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida @kishida230 and I have just signed a security agreement between Ukraine and Japan. A unique document with one of the world’s most economically and technologically advanced countries. 🇺🇦🇯🇵
In 2024, Japan will provide Ukraine with $4.5 billion and will continue to support us throughout the agreement’s entire 10-year term. This includes security and defense assistance, humanitarian aid, technical and financial cooperation, as well as joint efforts on the Peace Formula. Additionally, the agreement implies sanctions against the aggressor and efforts to hold the aggressor accountable. We also greatly appreciate that Japan will cooperate with Ukraine in reconstruction and recovery.
For Japan, this type of agreement and this level of support is a breakthrough. We see this and thank Japan for its unwavering solidarity with our country and people, as well as for its dedication to protecting life and international law.
The Pentagon:
We break: (Bloomberg) — The Pentagon’s renewed a contract with Elon Musk’s SpaceX to provide Starlink internet services in Ukraine for another six months, a fresh sign that the two sides have moved past a dispute over how the terminals were being used in the conflict zone.
— Anthony Capaccio (@ACapaccio) June 13, 2024
The International Fund for Ukraine:
The International Fund for Ukraine (IFU) will provide a new military package worth more than €350 million. The support goes to the supply of 152mm artillery shells to Ukraine.
The IFU was founded by nine countries: the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Australia, Denmark,… pic.twitter.com/Jdx7HhOuMd
— Defense of Ukraine (@DefenceU) June 13, 2024
The International Fund for Ukraine (IFU) will provide a new military package worth more than €350 million. The support goes to the supply of 152mm artillery shells to Ukraine.
The IFU was founded by nine countries: the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Australia, Denmark, Iceland, Lithuania, New Zealand, Norway, and Sweden.
We are grateful to our partners for their staunch support. This decision is an important contribution to strengthening Ukraine’s defense capabilities.
Together, we are stronger!
Canada:
Canada is delivering the first four armored combat vehicles to Ukraine from a batch of 50.
We are grateful to our Canadian partners for their staunch support.
Together, to victory!
🇺🇦🤝🇨🇦@NationalDefence https://t.co/ToyAewiuNL— Defense of Ukraine (@DefenceU) June 13, 2024
Norway:
Norway has donated 81mm bomb launcher ammunition for a value of approximately NOK 480 million.
We are grateful to our Norwegian friends for their continued support!
🇺🇦🤝🇳🇴 https://t.co/Kn32yoRCkS— Defense of Ukraine (@DefenceU) June 13, 2024
Lithuania:
+14 M113 armored vehicles from Lithuania.
The military aid package is provided within the framework of the Demining coalition.
We are grateful to our Lithuanian partners for their unwavering support.
Together, we are stronger!
🇺🇦🤝🇱🇹@Lithuanian_MoD pic.twitter.com/X667gryNCL— Defense of Ukraine (@DefenceU) June 13, 2024
Germany:
Germany made a decision not to transfer the fourth Patriot system to Ukraine. Thus Germany is providing a total of three systems for Ukraine. As said, third Patriot, will be delivered soon.
German Defence Minister Boris Pistorius: “This is a quarter of our reserves of such… https://t.co/NzuBvSlfZw
— Special Kherson Cat 🐈🇺🇦 (@bayraktar_1love) June 13, 2024
Germany made a decision not to transfer the fourth Patriot system to Ukraine. Thus Germany is providing a total of three systems for Ukraine. As said, third Patriot, will be delivered soon.
German Defence Minister Boris Pistorius: “This is a quarter of our reserves of such systems, which can no longer be transferred. Others can probably give one each,” Pistorius said.
The G7:
Deal done –
G7 leaders strike agreed on $50bn loan to Ukraine“It’s a very strong message to Putin that Putin cannot outlast us,” said Ursula @vonderleyen. “It’s not European taxpayers that are paying for the Russian damage [in Ukraine] but it’s Russia”https://t.co/r1cOGvel4g
— Henry Foy (@HenryJFoy) June 13, 2024
The Financial Times has the details:
G7 leaders have reached a deal to use profits from frozen Russian sovereign assets to help Ukraine in an attempt to shore up support for Kyiv while they grapple with a barrage of domestic political difficulties.
Under the agreement struck on Thursday at a summit in the southern Italian region of Puglia, G7 members will provide “approximately $50bn” to Ukraine backed by the future proceeds from Russian assets.
“With a view to supporting Ukraine’s current and future needs in the face of a prolonged defence against Russia, the G7 will launch ‘Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration (ERA) Loans for Ukraine’ in order to make available approximately $50bn in additional funding to Ukraine by the end of the year,” the G7 leaders agreed, according to a statement seen by the Financial Times and due to be published on Friday.
The financing would be disbursed “through multiple channels that direct the funds to Ukraine’s military, budget and reconstruction needs”, it said.
Russia’s assets would remain immobilised until Moscow ended its war against Ukraine and repaid the damage it caused, the statement added.
“It’s a very strong message to Putin that Putin cannot outlast us, and we will stand by Ukraine as long as it takes,” European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen told reporters.
“It is not European taxpayers that are paying for the Russian damage [in Ukraine] but it is Russia,” she added.
A senior Biden administration official said the deal would involve a “loan syndicate” including multiple lenders to “share risk” but the exact shares of the $50bn for each country were not yet settled.
The US official said the next steps would be to secure approval from EU member states, then sign contracts between lenders, Ukraine and any intermediaries. Each loan could be directed for specific purposes, whether military aid or economic and humanitarian relief. While the money would start flowing to Ukraine this year, the pace and timing would depend on Kyiv’s capacity to absorb it, the official said.
A senior EU official involved in the talks said they were confident of securing the majority of member states required to support the plan and were in regular touch with capitals so there would “be no surprises”.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy joined G7 leaders after the deal was struck.
Jake Sullivan, the US national security adviser, had earlier said the proposed deal was “a good outcome”.
An agreement on delivering additional support for Ukraine using the frozen assets would be a sign that G7 leaders remained united in their defence of Kyiv as well as their broader foreign policy priorities, western officials said.
The overwhelming majority of the Russian sovereign assets frozen by western countries in the days following Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 are held in the EU.
Thursday’s deal came together after the EU and its G7 member states — Italy, France and Germany — balked at a US proposal that EU-generated earnings would underpin a US-issued loan.
Brussels argued it could not give a cast-iron guarantee that its sanctions — which collect profits on the Russian assets worth about €3bn a year and are rolled over every six months — would remain in place indefinitely, and thus each country would need to assume a slice of the risk.
And, as always, the devil is in the details:
The US official said the next steps would be to secure approval from EU member states, then sign contracts between lenders, Ukraine and any intermediaries. Each loan could be directed for specific purposes, whether military aid or economic and humanitarian relief. While the money would start flowing to Ukraine this year, the pace and timing would depend on Kyiv’s capacity to absorb it, the official said.
A senior EU official involved in the talks said they were confident of securing the majority of member states required to support the plan and were in regular touch with capitals so there would “be no surprises”.
Brussels argued it could not give a cast-iron guarantee that its sanctions — which collect profits on the Russian assets worth about €3bn a year and are rolled over every six months — would remain in place indefinitely, and thus each country would need to assume a slice of the risk.
A lot of conditional statements. Now we wait and see if the EU member states can reach a majority in support and if the money ever actually makes it to Ukraine.
More on the Starlink Snowflake:
Seriously, this is just simply ridiculous.
Is Elmo a 6-year-old spoiled kid? Is he at least somewhat mentally stable to be saying things like that out loud?
A Ukrainian media outlet writes a story on public personalities in the U.S. who overtly stand against Ukraine aid and… pic.twitter.com/PJ1ZMKeGDi
— Illia Ponomarenko 🇺🇦 (@IAPonomarenko) June 13, 2024
Seriously, this is just simply ridiculous.
Is Elmo a 6-year-old spoiled kid? Is he at least somewhat mentally stable to be saying things like that out loud?
A Ukrainian media outlet writes a story on public personalities in the U.S. who overtly stand against Ukraine aid and support Russia, and this fruitcake has this to say?
Musk is complaining about this:
Journalists of the Ukrainian analytical publication @Textyorgua_Eng have reported pressure and threats from US officials and politicians after publishing a story about US organizations and people who oppose support for Ukraine. https://t.co/TSlolQ8JFo
— Hromadske Int. (@Hromadske) June 13, 2024
Here’s Texty.Org’s full statement:
Statement on Pressure Against Freedom of Speech, Chauvinism, and Threats Towards the Texty.org.ua Team
We, the team at the Ukrainian data journalism agency Texty.org.ua and an independent public organization, are reporting unprecedented pressure, manipulation, slander, demands to strip us of donor funding, and threats of physical violence that we have faced following the publication of our research “Roller Coaster: From Trumpists to Communists, Who and How They Advocate for Ending Support to Ukraine.”
In this study, published on June 6, 2024, which we conducted independently and solely with the support of our readers, we presented an analysis of the political, media, and expert environment in the United States that influences decisions on further support for Ukraine in the Russian-Ukrainian war.
As part of the evidence base, the research includes a table listing organizations and individuals in the U.S. who oppose supporting Ukraine. We analyzed their arguments, compared them with common Russian disinformation narratives, and debunked these narratives with evidence and source references.
We also investigated how the individuals and organizations mentioned in our research interact in the public sphere and how some interact with Russian media and state institutions.
All published data regarding individuals and organizations are taken from the open, including official sources.
We do not label the subjects of this research as enemies of Ukraine, nor do we dispute or condemn their right to freedom of expression. We merely state the fact that they oppose support for Ukraine and that many of their arguments resonate with Russian propaganda narratives about Ukraine.
We value and respect freedom of speech, a prerequisite for a democratic society. We reserve the right to present evidence, state facts, debunk false arguments, and compare them with those propagated by Russian propaganda worldwide.
After the publication of this study, the director of the Ron Paul Institute, Daniel McAdams, initially posted on social media platform X, then wrote an article on the Institute’s website claiming that Texty.org.ua, funded by the U.S. government, created a hate list of American citizens. In this article, as evidence of our funding by the U.S. government, it is mentioned that one of our co-founders participated in the U.S. government project TechCAMP. Anatoliy Bondarenko volunteered as a data journalism trainer for this project in 2013, 2014, and 2015.
On the same day, the manipulative information shared on the Ron Paul Institute’s website was disseminated on social media platform X by other conservative outlets, ultra-right and left-wing American activists, attacking both the Texty editorial team and the authors of the article personally, even issuing threats.
On June 11, Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene called our publication a list of enemies and claimed that President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine was behind it.
On June 12, FOX News reported that Senator J.D. Vance and Congressman Matt Gaetz called on U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken to send them information about the Ukrainian non-governmental organization Texty.org.ua by June 28. The letter’s authors also urged the House Appropriations Committee to halt U.S. support for Texty.org.ua. On Tuesday, the committee approved such a resolution.
On June 13, Elon Musk, the owner of social media platform X, who was also mentioned in our research,responded to the call from a Republican congressman to strip us of any donor support by calling for our organization to be listed as a terrorist group.
Screenshot from Platform X
We view this campaign as an attack on freedom of speech and a display of chauvinism against the citizens of Ukraine. Our critics believe that we do not have the right to investigate the streams of false information they produce about our country and us, simply because they are U.S. citizens and we are not.
Obligatory:
Ekatarinaburg, Russia:
Evan Gershkovich’s case is going to trial in Ekaterinburg.
Prosecutors claim he was on a secret CIA mission to get “secret information” about a major tank factory when arrested last year.
Russia has produced no evidence for these ludicrous accusations.https://t.co/OIMDiHe3TV
— max seddon (@maxseddon) June 13, 2024
Kharkiv:
Seeing more people on the streets of Kharkiv today. Thanks to the right decisions, this is happening. Kharkiv will never be a buffer zone—it will revive as a Ukrainian fortress. pic.twitter.com/JeL4lRpGOn
— Maria Avdeeva (@maria_avdv) June 13, 2024
Sevastopol, Russian occupied Crimea:
First satellite imagery of one of the Ukrainian missile strikes on one of targeted Russian S-400 air defence system site near Sevastopol, Crimea.
Strike was on the night 11-12 June. 230km from the frontline.
One launcher and radar appears to be destroyed or damaged.… https://t.co/S9Vl8HRqFG pic.twitter.com/j8JoEVxzvK
— Special Kherson Cat 🐈🇺🇦 (@bayraktar_1love) June 13, 2024
First satellite imagery of one of the Ukrainian missile strikes on one of targeted Russian S-400 air defence system site near Sevastopol, Crimea.
Strike was on the night 11-12 June. 230km from the frontline.
One launcher and radar appears to be destroyed or damaged.
(44.695930,33.663500)
https://t.me/kiber_boroshno/8634
Mariinka:
Heavy fighting and big Russians assault attempt reported on Mariinka front, right now.
“Russians attempted an assault on the Mariinsky direction. The enemy stormed with 17 units of AFVs in the direction of the village of Heorhiivka. The boys fought back, about the results… pic.twitter.com/b9zOvehhtg
— Special Kherson Cat 🐈🇺🇦 (@bayraktar_1love) June 13, 2024
Heavy fighting and big Russians assault attempt reported on Mariinka front, right now.
“Russians attempted an assault on the Mariinsky direction. The enemy stormed with 17 units of AFVs in the direction of the village of Heorhiivka. The boys fought back, about the results later.“
“To the 17 units of the enemy’s equipment that stormed Heorhiivka, 2 more arrived, so the total number is 19, of which the boys successfully destroyed 14 units. Heavy fighting continues”
Kursk Oblast, Russia:
Ukrainian loitering munition strike on the Russian radio relay station R-416GM. Kursk region of Russia https://t.co/qnoOGtsctc pic.twitter.com/bcyZypXhXG
— Special Kherson Cat 🐈🇺🇦 (@bayraktar_1love) June 13, 2024
Moscow:
Russian Telegram channels report a fire in Sukhoi construction bureau in Moscow. It is one of the leaders of aircraft development in Russia.
Local authorities already gave several versions of what empty nea buildings are on fire instead. pic.twitter.com/aZEmjEAVL7
— Anton Gerashchenko (@Gerashchenko_en) June 13, 2024
That’s enough for tonight.
Your daily Patron!
A new video from Patron’s official TikTok!
@patron__dsns Повзав би на животі цілий день, якби не мав інших справ! #песпатрон
Here’s the machine translation of the caption:
I would crawl on my stomach all day if I had nothing else to do! #песпатрон
Open thread!
Jay
Thank you, Adam.
Roberto el oso
Thank you, as always, Adam.
SpaceUnit
How does a security agreement differ from a treaty that would need to be ratified by Congress?
Asking because, you know, god damn.
Andrya
@SpaceUnit: The Obama administration made an agreement with Iran that we would give them their impounded money back and lift the sanctions on Iran. In return the Iranians halted their nuclear program. As soon as Trump took office he tore the agreement up. (He couldn’t re-confiscate the money but he did re-impose the sanctions.)
Theoretically, a president can’t tear up a treaty that has been ratified by the Senate, but with TCFG, who knows what he will do?
Jay
@SpaceUnit:
https://www.phe.gov/s3/law/Pages/International.aspx
Jay
@Andrya:
The 5+1 JPCOA was just an agreement, not a treaty, so it could be torn up at any time by the Administration.
Another Scott
@Andrya: Treaties usually / often / always have withdrawal provisions. There was some arms control treaty the US withdrew from because Russia was cheating.
As always, if the POTUS and Congress want out, there are ways to get out. Some ways are easier than others.
Cheers,
Scott.
Big R
Adam: I’m going to give you less reading tonight.
Also Adam: -posts an entire speech, the full text of an international-law agreement, and a press statement-
(Adam, to be clear: I appreciate the effort and the witness you offer here, and this comment should be read with tongue planted firmly in cheek.)
SpaceUnit
@Andrya:
@Jay:
So if I understand correctly from the source that Jay linked, the agreement will be need to be approved by a vote at the UN in order to be legally binding without further ratification?
Seems kinds iffy considering that both Russia and China have veto power. Maybe I’m missing something.
And if trump was to somehow get a second term he’d effectively cut ties with the UN as quickly as he would with NATO.
Carlo Graziani
@Jay: Nevertheless, this agreement is, as per text, being registered with the UN under the terms of Article 102 of the UN Charter. What this implies is not, of course, force of US Law. It does, however, imply hassles at the UN ICJ for any party found out of compliance with the terms of the agreement.
Andrya
@Jay: Well yes, that was my point. (I did use the word “agreement” twice to describe the Iran agreement.) In the second paragraph I was thinking that if (Deity forbid) russia attacks a NATO country, Trump is entirely capable of disregarding our NATO Article 5 obligations.
@Another Scott: Thanks for the info. Any ideas about what happens if (Deity forbid) russia invades Poland or the Baltic states? Any wiggle room there?
SpaceUnit
@Carlo Graziani:
Does an agreement registered at the UN need to be approved by a vote of the delegates?
ETA: And can it be vetoed by charter members?
Carlo Graziani
In the Annex on implementation, this caught my eye:
For clarity: none of this requires any consent whatever from Congress. This is all about building up Ukraine’s domestic defense industry to make it self-sustaining, and committing the US to non-financial technology transfer to enable the process.
In my opinion, this is huge. We now understand that the war is going to continue for several years. Putting Ukraine in the position of sustaining an armaments industry that scores as near-peer to Russia is a key element in guaranteeing the long-term survival of the Ukrainian state.
Together with other non-financial elements of this agreement (such as, for example, intelligence cooperation) this document stabilizes US support for Ukraine in important, Congress-proof dimensions.
Jay
@Carlo Graziani: Hasn’t bothered ruZZia one little bit for the past 40+ years.
Like contracts, Treaties and Agreements are only as good as the people who sign them.
Carlo Graziani
@SpaceUnit: Here is the text of the article. It contains no provision for any kind of GA or Security Council vote. It is purely procedural, detailing the process by which two sovereign parties may make the UN aware of an agreement between them, in the process making disputes in that agreement adjudicable by the UN.
Jay
@Carlo Graziani:
https://www.pravda.com.ua/eng/articles/2024/06/6/7459589/
https://kyivindependent.com/rheinmetall-kyiv-agree-to-produce-lynx-armored-vehicles-in-ukraine-in-2024/
pieceofpeace
Rest up, Adam, you give us such good information, and the gratitude to you for your reports, well, they deserve all the praise expressed over and over again.
So again, thank you.
Go Rosie, you go girl and keep. thriving….
SpaceUnit
So basically this agreement is only good if a Democrat remains in the oval office and no portion of it requires congressionally approved spending.
Congratulations Ukraine. You now have the security equivalent of an extended auto warranty.
Jay
@SpaceUnit:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Budapest_Memorandum
SpaceUnit
@Jay:
That was a whole different critter.
I’m going to rack out, as Adam likes to say.
AlaskaReader
Thanks Adam
wjca
All that technology transfer is worth a good deal more than an extended warranty.
Another Scott
@Andrya: I’m no expert, but NATO Article 5 isn’t self-executing. Members have to vote – as they did in the case of Afghanistan and 9/11 – to invoke it when an attacked member requests it. Parties to a treaty or agreement always get to decide what it means and what actions they will take when the time comes to act.
This agreement with Ukraine strikes me – still not an expert – as a standard bi-lateral defense agreement. I wouldn’t be surprised if the language is very similar to that with Israel and other non-NATO allies. It’s a good thing for us and Ukraine. But we always have to do the actual work.
My $0.02.
Cheers,
Scott.
Andrya
@Another Scott: Thanks, that makes sense.