Politics as tribal war did not just happen, specific people made it happen. Said it before but now the point has the stamp of authority.
Q Is the current Congress demonstrably more partisan than those in the past? Why does it matter?
MANN: Partisanship particularly increased after the 1994 elections and then the appearance of the first unified Republican government since the 1950s. Now it is tribal warfare. The consequences are deadly serious. Party and ideology routinely trump institutional interests and responsibilities. Regular order — the set of rules, norms and traditions designed to ensure a fair and transparent process — was the first casualty. The results: No serious deliberation. No meaningful oversight of the executive. A culture of corruption. And grievously flawed policy formulation and implementation.
[Q] Congress has been rocked by the Foley scandal. Was the House GOP leadership’s response an example of reflexive partisanship? Are there larger lessons to learn from it?
ORNSTEIN: Part of the response to Foley was undoubtedly human nature — lawmakers wanting to take Foley at his word that he wouldn’t write any more improper e-mails. But it is hard to look at the responses of the collective majority leadership, including Speaker Dennis Hastert, GOP campaign chair Tom Reynolds and Page Board chair John Shimkus, without putting them into a context that makes it more damning.
The entire leadership team made sure that there was no significant ethics or lobbying reform in this Congress. They knew their majority was hanging in the balance, that the Duke Cunningham-Jack Abramoff-Tom DeLay scandal problem had not coalesced into an electoral catastrophe. The last thing they wanted was another embarrassing scandal. There is a lot to suggest that there was a systematic state of denial here, and an indifference to the possibility of a bigger problem that Foley might represent.
This is precisely why I think that independents often mistake partisan bitterness for some sort of inborn tribal instinct. In a language with multiple types of state-of-being verb, Spanish for example, it would be like mistaking ser for estar. In fact specific people made the decision to poison the atmosphere because they guaged, correctly, that a split America would benefit them politically. Our friends Gingrich and DeLay deserve credit for the job they did – our framers did a good job of creating a system that works despite and even because of the venality and self-interest of each individual involved. Our government takes effort to wreck, but recent times have shown that with a good plan and more than a little talent the job is far from impossible.
To be frank, I would have a lot more respect for principled moderates, the news media and even rightwingers themselves if they stopped treating the bitterness in DC as a passive-tense verb. It took the best effort of some great minds who have a right to take pride in a job well done. Never mind that murmuring from Hannah Arendt’s restless ghost.
***Update***
More at Atrios. Most people seem to think that partisan spite will outlive our current Republican leaders, but I don’t see why that should be. To maintain a steady drumbeat of the special kind of hate you need two things: incredible party discipline and a willingness to constantly screw with the rules to keep comity at a minimum. If you think that Democrats have either then you must be new here.