Speech by the President of Ukraine at the Munich Security Conference

14 February 2026 – 19:23

Thank you so much,

Dear friends,

Thank you for your attention to Ukraine, Ukrainian people, and for supporting our independence and our Ukrainians. I want to especially thank those who stand with us not only in words or not only in emotions, not only in the hope for more security, but in real action – in real work – in concrete help. Like Germany, like Mark, like Ursula, António, Roberta, and all our friends from the United States and all our European friends – thank you so much for all your support. Thank you!

If you’re a European leader and you meet Mark Rutte, you will definitely hear the word “PURL”. And not just once. Very serious things – really. He starts and ends every conversation with a call to support PURL. And he is right to do so. Thank you, Mark! PURL is the program that allows us to buy Patriot missiles in the U.S. and other weapons that protect Ukrainians from Russian attacks, of course. Most of the air defense missiles that can stop Russian ballistic missiles come to us thanks to PURL. And PURL exists because of Europe – it’s true – Europe is paying for our ability to stop ballistic attacks. Thanks to everyone who helps us. Thank you!

And honestly, one of the worst things a leader can hear in wartime is a report from the Air Force commander saying: the air defense units are empty – they used their missiles to stop Russian strikes, and there was no resupply. And intelligence says – a new massive attack may come in a day or two. Sometimes we manage to deliver new missiles for our Patriots or NASAMS just before an attack, and sometimes – at the last, very last moment.

I want to especially thank Germany, Norway, Netherlands for their strong leadership in Europe in giving us air defense systems. Thank you very much! These systems save our lives. Thank you to every European leader who invests in PURL and in other joint defense programs. And I’m proud of our soldiers who repel Russian attacks, and of our logistics teams who have kept this system working for 4 years. And I am proud of our nation. And it is the courage and resilience of Ukrainians that make the difference. Our people deserve gratitude. They deserve respect. Thank you so much!

4 years of full-scale war. Today, I want to show you what that really means.

And I want you to ask yourselves: are you ready – not only for the challenges that Russian aggression brings, the challenges of modern war – but also for the constant effort to convince the world, to fight for support, to defend your country’s interests every single day, as Ukraine must do? The world is built on interests. And you have to work tirelessly to align interests and help partners see what this brings. And when you see what is coming, will you be able to convince those in power to act preventively – to stop the evil before it destroys everything?

Right now, you can see a visualization of one of Russia’s attacks. Many of you were already here in Munich when this strike took place. Russia launched 24 ballistic missiles, one air-launched guided missile, and, can you imagine, 219 attack drones. Against our cities – Kyiv, Dnipro, Odesa. Just one attack. Just one night. Our air defense used the missiles that arrived from our partners just a few days earlier. They came on Sunday – it’s true – and on Thursday night the missiles were already protecting our skies. That is just one night, but Russian attacks happen almost every night in Ukraine. At least once a week – massive strikes. Still, Ukraine has endured 1,451 days of full-scale war. Longer than anyone predicted.

I want you to understand the real scale of these attacks on Ukraine. As you can see – in just one month, this January, we had – yeah, you see it – we had to defend against 6,000 attack drones. Most of them were Shahed drones. And 150+ Russian missiles of different types. And more than 5,000 glide bombs. It is like this every month. Imagine this over your own city – shattered streets, destroyed homes, schools built underground. This is daily life in Ukraine, of course, because of Russia. For 4 long years.

Russia uses many ballistic missiles and carries out combined attacks. Most of the strikes target our power plants and other critical infrastructure. There is not a single power plant left in Ukraine that has not been damaged by Russian attacks. Not one.

But we still generate electricity. Thanks to our people. We have kept our system running thanks to physical protection of the facilities – and thanks to everyone who helps us with air defense.

Just as important, Ukraine still has power because of our people – thousands of workers who serve millions. When I see our energy workers, our repair crews, rescue teams – I see something that is often missing in politics: true dedication – the ability to work at one hundred percent, to act immediately – in a real emergency. Not in a month, not in a year or two, but they save lives here, they save lives now. All these years. And many politicians could learn – and must, I think, must learn – from ordinary rescuers, from ordinary repair crews, from ordinary electricians – how to act immediately.

Thank you. During this war, weapons evolve faster than political decisions meant to stop them. When the Iranian regime first gave Russia the Shahed drones, they were simple weapons. They could be shot down easily. Now the Shahed is different. It has a jet engine. It can fly at different altitudes. It can be guided by an operator in real time. And it can use Starlink to reach its target. It can even carry other drones – acting as a “mother” drone for FPVs.

War reveals forms of evil we did not expect. And the longer a war continues, the more resources the aggressor receives – the more dangerous the consequences become – the more dangerous the evolution of weapons and of war itself, and the evolution of Putin.

I remember how the full-scale war was seen in the first year. We were told that support would continue – but not at the scale and speed needed for Ukraine to win, it’s true, or for Russia to lose. What did that mean? It meant time. The idea was that America could manage the pace of the war and the risks of escalation – to reach a point where Russia would no longer be able to attack, and Ukraine would agree not to return its occupied territories. Bob Woodward wrote about this approach of the previous U.S. Administration in his book “War.” He described how U.S. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin said: “We own the clock.” Austin had told Jake Sullivan numerous times: “We own the clock.” And Woodward writes that Sullivan was “constantly learning from him.” And of course, we are grateful for all the supplies we received. But you saw how it was – how long we had to push, to push, to push to be allowed to get stronger and stronger weapons. Months for HIMARS, months for tanks, years for aircraft – everything took time. This did not make the situation easier for anyone. Because in war, the war itself owns time – and it uses that time against people, of course. That is why not a single day, not a single opportunity to protect life can be wasted.

Everyone who seeks security and peace must understand this. Every day matters. And I am grateful to every American heart that was helping us, no matter what. Thank you. Without you – Americans, Europeans, and everyone who stands with us – it would have been very, very difficult to hold on. Thank you very much!

Right now, on the streets of Munich and other cities, people are calling for support for freedom in Iran. We saw it. Ukraine does not share a border with Iran. We’ve never had a conflict of interest with the Iranian regime. But the Iranian Shahed drones they sold to Russia are killing our people and destroying our infrastructure. The Iranian regime has already done – and can still do – more harm than many other regimes could do in a century. And yet this regime still exists. And it hopes to survive everything – even this crisis.

Today, the people of Iran expect from the world what we in Ukraine needed on February 24, when the Russian invasion began – unity, determination, and speed. Of course, speed. Speed in support. And regimes like the one in Iran must not be given time. When they have time, they only kill more. They must be stopped immediately. And this is exactly what should have happened with the Ayatollah – after all the wars his regime unleashed and all the lives it took – and with Putin as well: after the war in Georgia, after Syria, after 2014 and the occupation of Crimea.

But even in these conditions when we cannot know how long this war will last – we do everything to keep life going.

Today, Ukraine has more experience than anyone in the world in defending against all types of drones.

Every night, we face no fewer than one hundred Shahed drones. Some nights, there are 400 or even 500 attack drones. And Ukrainians shoot down almost 90, can you imagine, 90 percent of them. But still not 100. And we’re doing everything to increase that rate. Among other tools, we use different types of interceptors – and what you see now are real videos of those interceptors, by the way.

Together with our partners, we are producing more and more of them each day. And we will reach the point where we produce enough – enough to make Shahed drones meaningless for Russia. But the key words here are: together, together with partners.

There is no country in Europe that could rely only on its own technology and money to defend itself in a full-scale war. No one would stand alone. That is why, while we invest in interceptors and protection, Russia invests in breaking unity – between all of us, our unity with you, unity in Europe, unity in the Euro-Atlantic community. They want to break it. Why? Because our unity is the best interceptor against Russia’s aggressive plans. The best one. And we still have it. And I want to thank you, each of you who keeps unity alive – and makes it stronger. Our unity is what protects us.

Hundreds of production sites are already operating in Ukraine and in partner countries. We have the Danish model – thanks, Mette, your team, your people – investing in weapons production in Ukraine. We have joint drone production here in Germany – it officially started yesterday. Thanks to everybody and to Friedrich. We have the joint artillery initiative with Czechia. I see… Petr, hi! Thank you so much! We are doing a lot together with the Nordic countries, with the UK, and France, Netherlands, Italy, and Poland, and the United States, Canada, and Türkiye. There are important changes in Japan thanks to the Prime Minister’s Government, and we all value that Japan stands with us in the Coalition of the Willing. There are strong decisions from Europe – including 90 billion euros for two years for us. Thank you so much! This is a serious guarantee of Ukraine’s financial stability. Thank you for every strong decision. For all our joint work.

But let’s not close our eyes to the problem: Russia still has accomplices – regimes like North Korea, and companies across the globe, many of them from China, that bypass sanctions and provide components for Russian weapons, Russian missiles.

On top of that, Putin still has guarantees of financial stability. A large part of those guarantees lies here in Europe – in European seas. Russian oil tankers still move freely along Europe’s shores. In the Baltic Sea. In the North Sea. And in the Mediterranean. In total, Russia still uses more than a thousand tankers. Each of them is, in fact, a floating wallet for the Kremlin.

And I recently discussed this with President Macron, with President von der Leyen, and with other leaders. I thank them for their willingness to fix this. We spoke about updating European legislation – so that Russian tankers can not only be detained, but blocked – this is important – to block all these tankers – and their oil confiscated – the way the United States acts against shadow fleet tankers near its own shores, and it works, really. Without oil money, Putin would not have money for this war. Let’s make it possible.

And now I want to speak about the cost of war on the ground.

What does one month of war mean for Putin?

Just in December, our forces eliminated 35,000 occupying soldiers – killed and badly wounded. In January, there were fewer Russian assaults and, as a result, Russia’s losses were about 30,000 killed and badly wounded. There is even a clear price Russia pays for every kilometer of occupied Ukrainian land: on the Donetsk front – it’s one of the most intense areas – the price Russia pays for one kilometer now is 156 soldiers. Putin is not concerned about this now. But there is a level at which he will start to care. I’m sure.

Every month, Russia mobilizes about 40,000 people. A little bit more – 42-43 sometimes. Not all of them reach the front line. So overall, the size of the Russian contingent in Ukraine is not growing this year. For our army, the mission is clear – to destroy more Russian occupiers, because they are occupiers. The goal is specific: at least 50,000 per month. Even for Russia, that would be serious. I’m sure. And it would affect Putin’s decisions. Because we are speaking mainly about frontline troops – those leading the assaults and attacks.

Mr. Ischinger said in an interview before this Conference that as long as Ukraine is defending Europe, the danger is not so great. And if we speak plainly – and maybe a bit cynically – that is more or less the situation today. But look at the price. Look at the pain Ukraine has gone through. Look at the suffering Ukraine has faced.

It is Ukrainians who are holding the European front. Behind our people stand an independent Poland and the free Baltic states. There can be a sovereign Moldova and a Romania without dictatorship. And even one Viktor can think about how to grow his belly – not how to grow his army to stop Russian tanks from returning to the streets of Budapest. But none of our people chose to be such heroes. Ukraine did not choose this war. And it is wrong to assume that this is a permanent arrangement – that others can stay safe behind Ukrainian backs forever.

Ukrainians are people, not terminators. Our people are dying too. That is why we are doing everything to stop this war – and to guarantee security.

But the problem is this: Putin is no longer interested in anything else. Putin does not live like ordinary people. He does not walk the streets. You will not see him in a café. His grandchildren do not go to a normal kindergarten in their hometown. He cannot imagine life without power or after power. Normal things do not interest him. Putin “consults” more with Tsar Peter and Empress Catherine about territorial gains than with any living person about real life. Can you imagine Putin without war? Be honest.

Right now, his focus is on Ukraine. And no one in Ukraine believes he will ever let our people go. But he will not let other European nations go either – because he cannot let go of the very idea of war. He may see himself as a tsar, but in reality, he is a slave to war. If he lives another 10 years – we understand, it can be – war can return. Or expand.

That is why we say – there must be real security guarantees. For Ukraine and for Europe. Strong security guarantees.

We know clearly what those guarantees must include. And we have strong agreements ready to sign with the U.S. and with Europe. We think that the agreement on security guarantees should come before any agreement to end the war. Those guarantees answer the main question – how long there will be no war again. We hope President Trump hears us. We hope the Congress hears us. We hope American people hear us. And we are grateful for all the real help. Thank you.

And we are doing everything – truly everything – to end this war. And this war can end, and security can be guaranteed.

Before the invasion began, we told the world: act now. Please, act preventively, so the invasion does not happen.

I sent our Commander-in-Chief at the time – General Zaluzhnyi – to speak with the American side and to explain what Ukraine needed to defend itself. I said – tell them we need Javelins, Stingers, real weapons, something real to stop the Russian army so they see we are not standing with bare hands. It was very important. But the most “practical” advice General Milley could give Ukraine at that time was simply “dig trenches.” That is the answer my Commander-in-Chief brought back. Just imagine. Hundreds of thousands of Russian troops on your borders, massive military equipment, and all you hear is: “dig trenches.”

So if Russian troops enter Lithuania – God forbid, just as an example – or another country on NATO’s eastern flank – what will the allies hear then?

Will they hear that “help is on the way”? I hope so. Or will they hear: “dig trenches”? Or something else…

We must have the ability to give a strong response to the threat. That is why we are talking about a joint European defense policy. That is why we need American backstop. That is why Europe needs Ukraine.

The Ukrainian army is the strongest army in Europe. Thanks to our heroes. And I think it is simply not smart to keep this army outside NATO. But at the very least, let that be your decision, friends – not Putin’s decision, please.

And today, among the things that unite Europe most strongly, there is also fear. Not fear that Ukraine might one day join NATO – but fear about whether NATO will even exist. But we support NATO and hope that each day NATO will be stronger and stronger. God bless. And right now, much of our cooperation with Europe and with other NATO partners – and cooperation inside the Alliance, including the historic decision to move toward 5 percent of GDP on defense – is a response to that fear. I think – it is a correction of past mistakes. And it is an investment in the future, in security. And it is a guarantee that NATO will not only exist – but will act, if God forbid it is ever needed.

Dear ladies and gentlemen,

More and more often now, many former officials from different countries say they “warned” about this war and that they said the invasion would happen. They “remember” what they said – and in most cases, they greatly improve their own story. But none of them can say what they actually did to prevent the invasion. All these stories are about one thing – just one thing – shifting responsibility away from themselves.

What did Russia see in 2021? Putin sat as an equal with the President of the U.S. – in Geneva. And he felt he could reshape Europe – and the world. There were no preventive sanctions against Russia, and there were no serious defense packages to show that we could stand up to Russia. Look, now, our great guy, our athlete – Vladyslav Heraskevych – was disqualified at the Olympics simply for the intention to wear a helmet showing the faces of athletes killed by Russia in this war. He was disqualified for the intention. When in 2021 we clearly saw Putin’s intent – and asked for preventive sanctions to stop the invasion, we were told – first there must be a crime, and only then can there be punishment. Kamala Harris – I remember – said this. But with Russia, you cannot leave a single loophole Russians can use to start a war. As they say in Russia – first get into the fight, and then we’ll see what happens. That is how they do everything. That is how they start wars. And that is how they conduct negotiations – not to end a war, but to avoid ending it – and just to buy time.

As people now look back at the time before the Russian invasion, what will be said about this moment 4 years from now?

And will some of today’s powerful leaders look for ways to avoid responsibility – and to justify themselves?

As there were different options before the invasion, there are options now. I think so.

When we say that Russia must not be rewarded for this war, we are saying the same thing we said before the invasion. Russia must not be given hope that it can get away with this crime. Everyone must respond already at the stage of intent – the intent to kill, the temptation to continue aggression.

Please remember the moment when Russia began to take diplomacy most seriously in these 4 years. It was when our deep strikes against Russian oil refineries began to work – and when everyone started talking about Tomahawks. That shows exactly how to deal with Russia – and what Russia actually hears. It hears strength. The stronger we are, the more realistic peace becomes.

A lot of time now is spent on negotiations. We truly hope that the trilateral meetings next week will be serious, substantive, and helpful for all of us.

But honestly – sometimes it feels like the sides are talking about completely different things. The Russians often speak about some “spirit of Anchorage” and we can only guess what they really mean. The Americans often return to the topic of concessions – and too often those concessions are discussed in the context only of Ukraine – not Russia. Europe is practically not present at the table. It’s a big mistake, to my mind. And it is we – Ukrainians – who are trying to bring Europe fully into the process, so that Europe’s interests and voice are taken into account. This is very important. And Ukraine keeps returning to one simple point – peace can only be built on clear security guarantees. Where there is no clear security system, war always returns.

Ukraine will do everything – truly everything – to make these negotiations successful. We have invested in this process. We are in constant contact with Steve Witkoff, with Jared Kushner – and with everyone President Trump appoints. Today, we are meeting with Secretary of State Marco Rubio. And Ukraine wants the result of all these efforts to be real security and real peace.

Real peace. Not what came out of Geneva in 2021. Not what the Russians hope for – from this so-called “spirit of Anchorage”. It seems Putin hopes to repeat Munich. Not Munich 2007, when he only spoke about dividing Europe – but Munich 1938, when “previous Putin” began dividing Europe in reality. It would be an illusion to believe that this war can now be reliably ended by dividing Ukraine – just as it was an illusion to believe that sacrificing Czechoslovakia would save Europe from a greater war.

And when people ask today what the price of a deal could be, our answer is simple – the main thing is that in 4 years the civilized world is not forced to justify itself again – to shift the responsibility – and not forced again to look for someone else to blame.

Dear friends,

Ukraine is ready for a deal that brings real peace to us, to Ukraine, to Europe. I am confident that this war can be ended – and ended with dignity. This is the most important for us – with dignity. We have given our partners everything we believe such a deal must include. We are ready to invest in common security everything we have learned while defending ourselves during these years of this war. We can clearly answer most of the security questions that were raised at this Conference yesterday – and that will be raised today.

Right now, as we work together to protect lives in Ukraine, we are building a new system – a new security and response architecture, new approaches – to protect lives in any European country when needed. Our wall of drones is your wall of drones. Our expertise in drones is part of your security. Our ability to stop assaults and Russian sabotage can also be part of your defense. Europe needs a real common defense policy – just as it already has so much in common in the economy, in law, and in social policy.

Please, pay attention to Ukraine. And if exactly that had happened earlier, this war would not have begun.

Thank you. Glory to Ukraine!

Georgia:

A big turnout on day 444 of daily, uninterrupted protests in Georgia.

🎥 Levan Zazadze

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— Rusudan Djakeli (@rusudandjakeli.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 12:39 PM

Quite a large protest for a consecutive Day 444, don’t you think?

#GeorgiaProtests

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— Marika Mikiashvili 🇬🇪🇺🇦🇪🇺 (@marikamikiashvili.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 1:52 PM

Tonight at #GeorgiaProtests, Day 444

📷 @mariamnikuradze.bsky.social

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— Marika Mikiashvili 🇬🇪🇺🇦🇪🇺 (@marikamikiashvili.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 5:07 PM

Somewhere in Tbilisi, Georgia.

Remembrance is not a violation, @iocmedia.bsky.social

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— Marika Mikiashvili 🇬🇪🇺🇦🇪🇺 (@marikamikiashvili.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 9:36 AM

The Munich Security Conference:

🇩🇰🇺🇦 Denmark’s PM Mette Frederiksen:

Our problem in Ukraine is still that there are red lines when it comes to the weapons they can use to win this war.

And you cannot win a war with one hand tied on your back. We need to give them weapons so they can strike into Russia.

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— MAKS 25 👀🇺🇦 (@maks23.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 5:09 PM

Lil Narco made his address today. Despite how it’s been covered in the US news media, he showed the whole world his little and the Trump administration’s big ass.

The Rubio speech really is appalling, and if you haven’t read it yet, you should.

www.state.gov/releases/off…

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— Evan Bernick, a finite mode with a smol hooman and a lorg floof (@evanbernick.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 7:47 PM

Here’s the transcript:

SECRETARY RUBIO: Thank you very much. We gather here today as members of a historic alliance, an alliance that saved and changed the world. When this conference began in 1963, it was in a nation – actually, it was on a continent – that was divided against itself. The line between communism and freedom ran through the heart of Germany. The first barbed fences of the Berlin Wall had gone up just two years prior.

And just months before that first conference, before our predecessors first met here, here in Munich, the Cuban Missile Crisis had brought the world to the brink of nuclear destruction. Even as World War II still burned fresh in the memory of Americans and Europeans alike, we found ourselves staring down the barrel of a new global catastrophe – one with the potential for a new kind of destruction, more apocalyptic and final than anything before in the history of mankind.

At the time of that first gathering, Soviet communism was on the march. Thousands of years of Western civilization hung in the balance. At that time, victory was far from certain. But we were driven by a common purpose. We were unified not just by what we were fighting against; we were unified by what we were fighting for. And together, Europe and America prevailed and a continent was rebuilt. Our people prospered. In time, the East and West blocs were reunited. A civilization was once again made whole.

That infamous wall that had cleaved this nation into two came down, and with it an evil empire, and the East and West became one again. But the euphoria of this triumph led us to a dangerous delusion: that we had entered, quote, “the end of history;” that every nation would now be a liberal democracy; that the ties formed by trade and by commerce alone would now replace nationhood; that the rules-based global order – an overused term – would now replace the national interest; and that we would now live in a world without borders where everyone became a citizen of the world.

This was a foolish idea that ignored both human nature and it ignored the lessons of over 5,000 years of recorded human history. And it has cost us dearly. In this delusion, we embraced a dogmatic vision of free and unfettered trade, even as some nations protected their economies and subsidized their companies to systematically undercut ours – shuttering our plants, resulting in large parts of our societies being deindustrialized, shipping millions of working and middle-class jobs overseas, and handing control of our critical supply chains to both adversaries and rivals.

We increasingly outsourced our sovereignty to international institutions while many nations invested in massive welfare states at the cost of maintaining the ability to defend themselves. This, even as other countries have invested in the most rapid military buildup in all of human history and have not hesitated to use hard power to pursue their own interests. To appease a climate cult, we have imposed energy policies on ourselves that are impoverishing our people, even as our competitors exploit oil and coal and natural gas and anything else – not just to power their economies, but to use as leverage against our own.

And in a pursuit of a world without borders, we opened our doors to an unprecedented wave of mass migration that threatens the cohesion of our societies, the continuity of our culture, and the future of our people. We made these mistakes together, and now, together, we owe it to our people to face those facts and to move forward, to rebuild.

Under President Trump, the United States of America will once again take on the task of renewal and restoration, driven by a vision of a future as proud, as sovereign, and as vital as our civilization’s past. And while we are prepared, if necessary, to do this alone, it is our preference and it is our hope to do this together with you, our friends here in Europe.

For the United States and Europe, we belong together. America was founded 250 years ago, but the roots began here on this continent long before. The man who settled and built the nation of my birth arrived on our shores carrying the memories and the traditions and the Christian faith of their ancestors as a sacred inheritance, an unbreakable link between the old world and the new.

We are part of one civilization – Western civilization. We are bound to one another by the deepest bonds that nations could share, forged by centuries of shared history, Christian faith, culture, heritage, language, ancestry, and the sacrifices our forefathers made together for the common civilization to which we have fallen heir.

And so this is why we Americans may sometimes come off as a little direct and urgent in our counsel. This is why President Trump demands seriousness and reciprocity from our friends here in Europe. The reason why, my friends, is because we care deeply. We care deeply about your future and ours. And if at times we disagree, our disagreements come from our profound sense of concern about a Europe with which we are connected – not just economically, not just militarily. We are connected spiritually and we are connected culturally. We want Europe to be strong. We believe that Europe must survive, because the two great wars of the last century serve for us as history’s constant reminder that ultimately, our destiny is and will always be intertwined with yours, because we know – (applause) – because we know that the fate of Europe will never be irrelevant to our own.

National security, which this conference is largely about, is not merely series of technical questions – how much we spend on defense or where, how we deploy it, these are important questions. They are. But they are not the fundamental one. The fundamental question we must answer at the outset is what exactly are we defending, because armies do not fight for abstractions. Armies fight for a people; armies fight for a nation. Armies fight for a way of life. And that is what we are defending: a great civilization that has every reason to be proud of its history, confident of its future, and aims to always be the master of its own economic and political destiny.

It was here in Europe where the ideas that planted the seeds of liberty that changed the world were born. It was here in Europe where the world – which gave the world the rule of law, the universities, and the scientific revolution. It was this continent that produced the genius of Mozart and Beethoven, of Dante and Shakespeare, of Michelangelo and Da Vinci, of the Beatles and the Rolling Stones. And this is the place where the vaulted ceilings of the Sistine Chapel and the towering spires of the great cathedral in Cologne, they testify not just to the greatness of our past or to a faith in God that inspired these marvels. They foreshadow the wonders that await us in our future. But only if we are unapologetic in our heritage and proud of this common inheritance can we together begin the work of envisioning and shaping our economic and our political future.

Deindustrialization was not inevitable. It was a conscious policy choice, a decades-long economic undertaking that stripped our nations of their wealth, of their productive capacity, and of their independence. And the loss of our supply chain sovereignty was not a function of a prosperous and healthy system of global trade. It was foolish. It was a foolish but voluntary transformation of our economy that left us dependent on others for our needs and dangerously vulnerable to crisis.

Mass migration is not, was not, isn’t some fringe concern of little consequence. It was and continues to be a crisis which is transforming and destabilizing societies all across the West. Together we can reindustrialize our economies and rebuild our capacity to defend our people. But the work of this new alliance should not be focused just on military cooperation and reclaiming the industries of the past. It should also be focused on, together, advancing our mutual interests and new frontiers, unshackling our ingenuity, our creativity, and the dynamic spirit to build a new Western century. Commercial space travel and cutting-edge artificial intelligence; industrial automation and flex manufacturing; creating a Western supply chain for critical minerals not vulnerable to extortion from other powers; and a unified effort to compete for market share in the economies of the Global South. Together we can not only take back control of our own industries and supply chains – we can prosper in the areas that will define the 21st century.

But we must also gain control of our national borders. Controlling who and how many people enter our countries, this is not an expression of xenophobia. It is not hate. It is a fundamental act of national sovereignty. And the failure to do so is not just an abdication of one of our most basic duties owed to our people. It is an urgent threat to the fabric of our societies and the survival of our civilization itself.

And finally, we can no longer place the so-called global order above the vital interests of our people and our nations. We do not need to abandon the system of international cooperation we authored, and we don’t need to dismantle the global institutions of the old order that together we built. But these must be reformed. These must be rebuilt.

For example, the United Nations still has tremendous potential to be a tool for good in the world. But we cannot ignore that today, on the most pressing matters before us, it has no answers and has played virtually no role. It could not solve the war in Gaza. Instead, it was American leadership that freed captives from barbarians and brought about a fragile truce. It had not solved the war in Ukraine. It took American leadership and partnership with many of the countries here today just to bring the two sides to the table in search of a still-elusive peace.

It was powerless to constrain the nuclear program of radical Shia clerics in Tehran. That required 14 bombs dropped with precision from American B-2 bombers. And it was unable to address the threat to our security from a narcoterrorist dictator in Venezuela. Instead, it took American Special Forces to bring this fugitive to justice.

In a perfect world, all of these problems and more would be solved by diplomats and strongly worded resolutions. But we do not live in a perfect world, and we cannot continue to allow those who blatantly and openly threaten our citizens and endanger our global stability to shield themselves behind abstractions of international law which they themselves routinely violate.

This is the path that President Trump and the United States has embarked upon. It is the path we ask you here in Europe to join us on. It is a path we have walked together before and hope to walk together again. For five centuries, before the end of the Second World War, the West had been expanding – its missionaries, its pilgrims, its soldiers, its explorers pouring out from its shores to cross oceans, settle new continents, build vast empires extending out across the globe.

But in 1945, for the first time since the age of Columbus, it was contracting. Europe was in ruins. Half of it lived behind an Iron Curtain and the rest looked like it would soon follow. The great Western empires had entered into terminal decline, accelerated by godless communist revolutions and by anti-colonial uprisings that would transform the world and drape the red hammer and sickle across vast swaths of the map in the years to come.

Against that backdrop, then, as now, many came to believe that the West’s age of dominance had come to an end and that our future was destined to be a faint and feeble echo of our past. But together, our predecessors recognized that decline was a choice, and it was a choice they refused to make. This is what we did together once before, and this is what President Trump and the United States want to do again now, together with you.

And this is why we do not want our allies to be weak, because that makes us weaker. We want allies who can defend themselves so that no adversary will ever be tempted to test our collective strength. This is why we do not want our allies to be shackled by guilt and shame. We want allies who are proud of their culture and of their heritage, who understand that we are heirs to the same great and noble civilization, and who, together with us, are willing and able to defend it.

And this is why we do not want allies to rationalize the broken status quo rather than reckon with what is necessary to fix it, for we in America have no interest in being polite and orderly caretakers of the West’s managed decline. We do not seek to separate, but to revitalize an old friendship and renew the greatest civilization in human history. What we want is a reinvigorated alliance that recognizes that what has ailed our societies is not just a set of bad policies but a malaise of hopelessness and complacency. An alliance – the alliance that we want is one that is not paralyzed into inaction by fear – fear of climate change, fear of war, fear of technology. Instead, we want an alliance that boldly races into the future. And the only fear we have is the fear of the shame of not leaving our nations prouder, stronger, and wealthier for our children.

An alliance ready to defend our people, to safeguard our interests, and to preserve the freedom of action that allows us to shape our own destiny – not one that exists to operate a global welfare state and atone for the purported sins of past generations. An alliance that does not allow its power to be outsourced, constrained, or subordinated to systems beyond its control; one that does not depend on others for the critical necessities of its national life; and one that does not maintain the polite pretense that our way of life is just one among many and that asks for permission before it acts. And above all, an alliance based on the recognition that we, the West, have inherited together – what we have inherited together is something that is unique and distinctive and irreplaceable, because this, after all, is the very foundation of the transatlantic bond.

Acting together in this way, we will not just help recover a sane foreign policy. It will restore to us a clearer sense of ourselves. It will restore a place in the world, and in so doing, it will rebuke and deter the forces of civilizational erasure that today menace both America and Europe alike.

So in a time of headlines heralding the end of the transatlantic era, let it be known and clear to all that this is neither our goal nor our wish – because for us Americans, our home may be in the Western Hemisphere, but we will always be a child of Europe. (Applause.)

Our story began with an Italian explorer whose adventure into the great unknown to discover a new world brought Christianity to the Americas – and became the legend that defined the imagination of a our pioneer nation.

Our first colonies were built by English settlers, to whom we owe not just the language we speak but the whole of our political and legal system. Our frontiers were shaped by Scots-Irish – that proud, hearty clan from the hills of Ulster that gave us Davy Crockett and Mark Twain and Teddy Roosevelt and Neil Armstrong.

Our great midwestern heartland was built by German farmers and craftsmen who transformed empty plains into a global agricultural powerhouse – and by the way, dramatically upgraded the quality of American beer. (Laughter.)

Our expansion into the interior followed the footsteps of French fur traders and explorers whose names, by the way, still adorn the street signs and towns’ names all across the Mississippi Valley. Our horses, our ranches, our rodeos – the entire romance of the cowboy archetype that became synonymous with the American West – these were born in Spain. And our largest and most iconic city was named New Amsterdam before it was named New York.

And do you know that in the year that my country was founded, Lorenzo and Catalina Geroldi lived in Casale Monferrato in the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia. And Jose and Manuela Reina lived in Sevilla, Spain. I don’t know what, if anything, they knew about the 13 colonies which had gained their independence from the British empire, but here’s what I am certain of: They could have never imagined that 250 years later, one of their direct descendants would be back here today on this continent as the chief diplomat of that infant nation. And yet here I am, reminded by my own story that both our histories and our fates will always be linked.

Together we rebuilt a shattered continent in the wake of two devastating world wars. When we found ourselves divided once again by the Iron Curtain, the free West linked arms with the courageous dissidents struggling against tyranny in the East to defeat Soviet communism. We have fought against each other, then reconciled, then fought, then reconciled again. And we have bled and died side by side on battlefields from Kapyong to Kandahar.

And I am here today to leave it clear that America is charting the path for a new century of prosperity, and that once again we want to do it together with you, our cherished allies and our oldest friends. (Applause.)

We want to do it together with you, with a Europe that is proud of its heritage and of its history; with a Europe that has the spirit of creation of liberty that sent ships out into uncharted seas and birthed our civilization; with a Europe that has the means to defend itself and the will to survive. We should be proud of what we achieved together in the last century, but now we must confront and embrace the opportunities of a new one – because yesterday is over, the future is inevitable, and our destiny together awaits. Thank you. (Applause.)

QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, I’m not sure you heard the sigh of relief through this hall when we were just listening to what I would interpret as a message of reassurance, of partnership. You spoke of intertwined relations between the United States and Europe – reminds me of statements made decades ago by your predecessors when the discussion was: is actually America a European power? Is America a power in Europe? Thank you for offering this message of reassurance about our partnership.

This is actually not the first time that Marco Rubio is here at the Munich Security Conference – been here before a couple of times, but it’s the first time he has been and he is the speaker as Secretary of State. So thank you again. We have only a couple of minutes now for just a few questions, and if I may, we collected questions from the audience.

One of the key issues here yesterday, today, is, of course – continues to be the question of how to deal with the war in Ukraine. Many of us in the discussions over the last day, the last 24 hours, have voiced their impression that the Russians – let me put it colloquially – the Russians are playing for time, they’re not really interested in a meaningful settlement. There is no indication that they’re willing to compromise on any of their maximalist objectives. Offer to us, if you could, your assessment of where we are and where you think we can go.

SECRETARY RUBIO: Well, I think where we are at this point is that the issues at play that have to be – here’s the good news. The good news is that the issues that need to be confronted to end this war have been narrowed. That’s the good news. The bad news is they’ve been narrowed to the hardest questions to answer, and work remains to be done in that front. I hear your point about – the answer is we don’t know. We don’t know the Russians are serious about ending the war; they say they are – and under what terms they were willing to do it and whether we can find terms that are acceptable to Ukraine that Russia will always agree to. But we’re going to continue to test it.

In the meantime, everything else continues to happen. The United States has imposed additional sanctions on Russia’s oil. In our conversations with India, we’ve gotten their commitment to stop buying additional Russian oil. Europe has taken its set of steps moving forward. The Pearl Program continues in which American weaponry is being sold for the Ukrainian war effort. So all these things continue. Nothing has stopped in the interim. So there’s no buying of time here in that regard.

What we can’t answer – but we’re going to continue to test – is whether there is an outcome that Ukraine can live with and that Russia will accept. And I would say it’s been elusive up to this point. We’ve made progress in the sense that for the first time, I think in years, at least at the technical level, there were military officials from both sides that met together last week, and there’ll be – and there’ll be meetings again on Tuesday, although it may not be the same group of people.

Look, we’re going to continue to do everything we can to play this role of bringing this war to an end. I don’t think anybody in this room would be against a negotiated settlement to this war so long as the conditions are just and sustainable. And that’s what we aim to achieve, and we’re going to continue to try to achieve it, even as all these other things continue to happen on the sanctions front and so forth.

QUESTION: Thank you very much. I’m sure if we had more time there were many questions on Ukraine. But let me conclude by asking a question about something entirely different. The next speaker here in just a couple of minutes will be the foreign minister of China. When you served in the Senate, sir, people considered you a kind of a China hawk.

SECRETARY RUBIO: So did they.

QUESTION: So did they?

SECRETARY RUBIO: Yeah.

QUESTION: The – we know that there will be, in about two months’ time, a summit meeting between President Trump and President Xi Jinping. Give us your expectation. Are you optimistic? Can there be a, quote/unquote, “deal” with China? What do you expect?

SECRETARY RUBIO: Well, I would say this. The two largest economies in the world, two of the big powers on the planet, we have an obligation to communicate with them and talk, and so do many of you on a bilateral basis as well. I mean, it would be geopolitical malpractice to not be in conversations with China. I would say this: because we’re two large countries with huge global interests, our national interests will often not align. Their national interests and ours will not align, and we owe it to the world to try to manage those as best we can, obviously avoiding conflict, both economic and worse. And that – so it’s important for us to have communications with them in that regard.

On areas in which our interests are aligned, I think we can work together to make positive impact on the world, and we seek opportunities to do that with them. So – but we have to have a relationship with China. And any of the countries represented here today are going to have to have a relationship with China, always understanding that nothing that we agree to could come at the expense of our national interest. And frankly, we expect China to act in their national interest, as we expect every nation-state to act in their national interest. And the goal of diplomacy is to try to navigate those times in which our national interests come into conflict with one another, always hoping to do it peacefully.

I think we also have a special obligation because whatever happens between the U.S. and China on trade has a global implication. So there are long-term challenges that we face that we’re going to have to confront that are going to be irritants in our relationship with China. That’s not just true for the United States; that’s true for the broader West. But I do think we need to try to manage those the best we can to avoid unnecessary friction if it’s possible. But no one is under any illusions. There are some fundamental challenges between our countries and between the West and China that will continue for the foreseeable future for a variety of reasons, and it’s some of the things we hope to work together with you on.

QUESTION: Thank you very much, Mr. Secretary. We’ve run out of time. I’m sorry that I can’t take questions from all those who wanted to ask questions. Mr. Secretary of State, thank you for this message of reassurance. I think this is much appreciated here in the hall. Let’s offer a round of applause. (Applause.)

It’s just an unapologetic defense of colonialism and ethnoreligious supremacy and a rejection of liberal democracy

— Evan Bernick, a finite mode with a smol hooman and a lorg floof (@evanbernick.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 7:53 PM

I suppose you could just read the above and be done with it

— Evan Bernick, a finite mode with a smol hooman and a lorg floof (@evanbernick.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 7:54 PM

“Columbus was good, actually, and we should emulate his values“ is just a wild thing to say

— Evan Bernick, a finite mode with a smol hooman and a lorg floof (@evanbernick.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 8:23 PM

Yes, he is definitely talking about Columbus, to whom he refers elsewhere in the speech

— Evan Bernick, a finite mode with a smol hooman and a lorg floof (@evanbernick.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 8:32 PM

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— Evan Bernick, a finite mode with a smol hooman and a lorg floof (@evanbernick.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 8:33 PM

This is just so many levels of nonsense that I don‘t know where to begin.

An observation, though: grounding our identity in 1492 makes us look a hell of a lot worse than grounding it in 1619.

— Evan Bernick, a finite mode with a smol hooman and a lorg floof (@evanbernick.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 8:36 PM

To repeat: it is nonsense.

But if it were not nonsense, our identity would be defined by slavery, genocide, and colonialism to an even greater extent than the 1619 project claimed.

— Evan Bernick, a finite mode with a smol hooman and a lorg floof (@evanbernick.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 8:38 PM

We’ve gone from, “slavery is not who we are and those who say it is are unamerican“ to “an enthusiastic slaver and perpetrator of genocide constituted America and we are proud of that and you should be too”

— Evan Bernick, a finite mode with a smol hooman and a lorg floof (@evanbernick.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 8:43 PM

I’ve said it before and I’m sure I will say it again, Trump, every member of his administration, the Trump/MAGA movement, the GOP, the conservative movement, and their fellow travelers absolutely hate the United States as it actually is and Americans as they actually are.

Rubio said the US still doesn’t know if Russia is serious about ending the war in Ukraine. The issues have been narrowed but the toughest ones remain he added.

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— WarTranslated (Dmitri) (@wartranslated.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 3:35 AM

The Russians are no serious about ending the war in Ukraine. The fact that Trump and his team don’t seem to be able to figure that out is a major problem for Ukraine and a major advantage for Putin and Russia.

New podcast with my colleagues’ and my views from Munich.
#MSC2026

ecfr.eu/podcasts/epi…

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— Ulrike Franke (@rikefranke.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 12:32 PM

Major statements from Munich yesterday:

🇫🇮: Putin has suffered strategic defeat, Ukraine is winning
🇩🇪: Rules-based international order is over, Germany will build strongest army in EU
🇫🇷: EU must become geopolitical power which includes the French nuclear deterrent

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— Maria Drutska (@mariadrutska.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 3:21 AM

🇺🇸🇩🇪👀 Such leaflets hang in the Munich Center after conference

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— Savchenko Volodymyr (@savchenkoua.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 4:39 PM

The Winter Olympics:

🇺🇦 “Freedom of memory” – Ukrainian freestyler Kateryna Kotsar left a “message” for IOC, having reached the final of Olympic Games for the first time in the history of Ukraine and made it to the top 12 qualification.

After that, on Valentine’s Day, she received marriage proposal.

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— MAKS 25 👀🇺🇦 (@maks23.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 6:59 PM

NATO:

🛡️ Ukrainian troops defeated opponent with drones at 2025 NATO exercise – WSJ

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— Ukrainska Pravda 🇺🇦 (@pravda.ua) February 13, 2026 at 1:07 PM

From Ukrainska Pravda:

During military exercises in Estonia in spring 2025, a group of Ukrainian drone operators demonstrated that drones and battlefield analysis systems are changing the approach to modern warfare.

Source: an opinion piece by Jillian Kay Melchior for The Wall Street Journal

Details: The article describes the Hedgehog 2025 exercise, which involved more than 16,000 service members from 12 NATO countries. Ukrainian drone experts also trained alongside them, including soldiers deployed from the front.

Quote: “In Ukraine the front line is largely frozen, but Hedgehog envisioned a battlefield where tanks and troops still have some ability to move. During one scenario, a battle group of several thousand troops, including a British brigade and an Estonian division, sought to conduct an attack. As they advanced, they failed to account for how drones have made the battlefield more transparent, several sources say.

The NATO battle group was ‘just walking around, not using any kind of disguise, parking tents and armored vehicles’, recalls one participant, who played an enemy role. ‘It was all destroyed’.”

Details: Melchior notes that during the exercise Ukrainian personnel used the Delta system, which gathers battlefield intelligence in real time, analyses it, identifies targets and coordinates strikes between command and units.

Quote: “A single team of some 10 Ukrainians, acting as the adversary, counterattacked the NATO forces. In about half a day they mock-destroyed 17 armored vehicles and conducted 30 ‘strikes’ on other targets.”

Details: One participant stated that the team managed to “eliminate two battalions in a day”.

“Still, Hedgehog showed how visible the battlefield has become – and how vulnerable that makes anyone or anything moving on it. NATO will need to adjust its tactics and find better ways to protect its tanks and armoured vehicles,” Melchior concluded.

Back to Ukraine.

🔥 Ukrainian forces destroyed half of Russia’s Pantsir missile systems in 2025 – Ukraine’s Security Service

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— Ukrainska Pravda 🇺🇦 (@pravda.ua) February 14, 2026 at 6:37 AM

From Ukrainska Pravda:

Special Operations Centre Alpha, part of the Security Service of Ukraine (SSU), destroyed half of Russia’s Pantsir surface-to-air artillery and missile systems in 2025.

Source: SSU on Facebook

Quote: “Long-range strikes by the SSU’s Special Operations Centre Alpha halved the number of Russian Pantsir surface-to-air artillery and missile systems in 2025.”

Details: The SSU said the Pantsir is one of Russia’s key modern air defence systems. A single system costs between US$15 million and US$20 million. Pantsirs are among the most effective systems in countering Ukraine’s long-range drones.

Quote: “That is why the systematic destruction of Pantsir systems has a strategic goal: to break through the enemy’s air defence and create corridors to strike targets deep in its rear. This enables Ukraine’s defence forces to operate effectively against military bases, warehouses, airfields and other occupier facilities.”

More details: The total value of all Russian air defence systems destroyed by the SSU’s Special Operations Centre Alpha in 2025 is estimated at about US$4 billion.

🔥An impressive compilation showing how 21 Russian Pantsir-S1 air defense systems were or struck by mid-range strike drones operated by the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) in 2025.

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— 🦋Special Kherson Cat🐈🇺🇦 (@specialkhersoncat.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 6:26 AM

Russian Pantsir loses a duel with a Ukrainian strike drone.

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— 🦋Special Kherson Cat🐈🇺🇦 (@specialkhersoncat.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 6:29 AM

Zelensky said he’d stop bombing Russia so we can have an election that’s free. But our elections are free

Of opposition candidates.

— Darth Putin (@darthputinkgb.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 4:36 PM

Here’s some of tonight’s outgoing Ukrainian fires:

HERE WE GO 🤩 DroneBomber

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— MAKS 25 👀🇺🇦 (@maks23.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 3:36 PM

Air alerts in several Russian regions tonight with reports of a major drone swarm and possible Flamingo missile launches DroneBomber notes citing Russian monitoring channels.

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— WarTranslated (Dmitri) (@wartranslated.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 1:28 PM

🦅 Drone threat in the Crimea, Kuban, Stavropol Krai, Kursk and Rostov regions, in the North Caucasus, as well as in Luhansk and Donetsk regions, and in part of the Kherson and Zaporizhzhia regions.

— MAKS 25 👀🇺🇦 (@maks23.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 3:19 PM

Chasiv Yar:

Ukrainian assault troops take two Russian soldiers prisoner while clearing a basement in Chasiv Yar.

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— WarTranslated (Dmitri) (@wartranslated.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 11:41 AM

Russian occupied Crimea:

Ukraine’s General Staff reported strikes on a BK-16 landing craft near Novoozerne in occupied Crimea, an RSP-10 radar near Hvardiyske, a comms hub in Prymorsk and an ammo depot in Donetsk region over the past two days.

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— WarTranslated (Dmitri) (@wartranslated.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 4:44 AM

Slobozhansk, Dnipropetrovsk Oblast:

Ukraine’s Prime 5 border unit struck Russian positions on the northern Slobozhansk front destroying a D-30 howitzer, mortar, ambush drone, vehicles, comms gear, a fuel depot and fortifications.

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— WarTranslated (Dmitri) (@wartranslated.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 3:45 AM

Lyman, Donetsk Oblast:

SIGNUM battalion drones struck multiple Russian targets on the Lyman front taking out a Grad launcher mid-fire a quadbike with crew an EW-equipped Niva and an anti-drone team. An occupier’s last move was a futile shot at the incoming drone.

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— WarTranslated (Dmitri) (@wartranslated.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 3:34 AM

Myrnohrad, Donetsk Oblast:

💥Destruction of Russian infantry in Myrnohrad area by 79th Air Assault Brigade!

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— MAKS 25 👀🇺🇦 (@maks23.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 4:34 PM

Russia:

❗️❗️Russia has successfully launched the first unmanned stratospheric 5G platform, Barrage-1, to compensate for the Starlink blockage, — Flash.

The main function is to relay 5G as an alternative to satellite communications. The platform can lift up to 100 kg to a height of up to 20 km.

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— MAKS 25 👀🇺🇦 (@maks23.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 2:37 PM

5 western countries say killed Navalny with poison. A short history

1 In 2020 a Russian in Russia, under surveillance by Russian intelligence, left hotel in Russia & got on a Russian plane going from Russia to Russia & consumed a Russian nerve agent only Russia by the CIA.

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— Darth Putin (@darthputinkgb.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 12:39 PM

2. That irrelevant Russian, while in a coma, was given permission to leave Russia personally by the president of Russia so that when he returned to Russia he was arrested for leaving Russia without permission & put in a Russian jail

— Darth Putin (@darthputinkgb.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 12:39 PM

3. That Russian, while in a maximum security Russian jail, in remote Russia, guarded by Russians, went for a walk under close surveillance by armed Russian prison guards & returned alone to his high security Russian jail cell where CIA killed him. The end.

— Darth Putin (@darthputinkgb.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 12:39 PM

Belgorod Oblast, Russia:

Russia’s Belgorod will have no hot water until late April the governor said after strikes damaged energy infrastructure.

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— WarTranslated (Dmitri) (@wartranslated.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 9:39 AM

Sochi, Russia:

New from Sochi 💥👀

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— MAKS 25 👀🇺🇦 (@maks23.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 5:43 PM

😮

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— MAKS 25 👀🇺🇦 (@maks23.bsky.social) February 14, 2026 at 5:43 PM

That’s enough for tonight.

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